In the course of my work with Wayyane, I came to realize how important it was to consider their merits and demerits not in the light of their statements but in the context of their real daily behaviour. The result was enlightening but very dangerous. Each time they did something unacceptable I was quick to point out my view on the matter.
This applied not only to ideas but also to actions. Whenever they did something contradicting their own political program and the declared policies of their own government I simply refused to obey. I can give many examples. Let me mention a few: The Wayyane decided to hunt down and arrest OLF members or sympathizers whom they disliked in contradiction to the charter of the so called transitional government which forbade the practice especially since those suspected OLF elements were innocent civilians. I pointed out this fact to the Wayyane at the time. They were angry with me and tried to convince me using shallow arguments. They came many times near accusing me of collaborating with the OLF even though they knew my opposition to the leadership of this front. They had contacted me in Düsseldorf partly for that reason in 1991. The point now is they could not produce any evidence implicating those Oromo individuals in any illegal activity. At this point they tried to use legal arguments saying that as a civil servant I should obey my superiors. I retorted saying if my superiors themselves violated human rights I could not obey them, I said: I am ready to forward my resignation. The more they kept threatening and became confrontational the more determined I was to say no. Many times they broke meetings in anger and rushed out sometimes telling me that I should know that the EPRDF was much stronger than I thought. At times, they said only that I should know better what to expect next.
Then there was the case of so called stolen cars. Meant were cars and other valuable items such as television- sets, cameras and even refrigerators coming in large numbers from Somalia after the disintegration of the government there. It was common knowledge that the Wayyane themselves not only bought with throw- away prices but also illegally confiscated countless such items transferring most of them to Tigray region. This act of dispossessing the Somalis of their property continued unabated till I left the country. The regime turned at one point against ordinary Oromo people in Bale and Harar who purchased some of those cars coming from Somalia, asking them to register with authenticated purchasing documents, fully aware of the impossibility of obtaining such documents from Somalia. Again I rejected their practice and insisted they should return the cars to the individuals concerned, especially to those who had witnesses and papers even though not authenticated. I also showed solidarity with Somalis who lost everything in the process. I was really shocked by the utter depravity of some TPLF cadres and commanders. A member of the TPLF central committee who supervised my work in Bale begged me to drop the matter. I could not. Finally he blurted out that I trusted the enemies of the EPRDF more than the EPRDF itself which I represented. I felt suddenly angry and went out of my way saying that all I knew about the organization was its political program on paper. But I knew well, I said, where the cars in question belonged.
Finally there was the case of Abyssinian settlers, those people who were transferred to Bale during the fascistic regime of Mengistu and who were given lot of preferences over the local Oromo people. They had been well organized and many of them armed to the teeth to contain possible local insurgency. Now in 1992 they decided on their own to flee northward fearing the local population even though their fears were not substantiated by anything concrete. I investigated the case and found nothing at all. I was instructed continually by my TPLF bosses in the capital to allay the fears and convince the settlers to remain. I was told to promise the settlers especial military protection just in case. I refused to carry out those orders for obvious reasons and tried instead to meet the exigencies of the difficult situation by mobilizing the regional Red Cross and by facilitating the exodus, putting government transportation means at their disposal. I asked also private lorry owners to give them priority. The settlers were unstoppable as a matter of fact…
Let me digress a bit to make clear by the way that today the Wayyane is not transferring Oromo lands to ordinary Abyssinian settlers. I did try a number of times while in Ethiopia in Wayyane circles to raise issues concerning land distribution and agrarian reform. They consistently refused to discuss the matter at the time saying it was untimely or that they did not have time to deal with the question. When I insisted, as a member, on satisfactory explanation they took their time to tell me finally that they needed at least five years to look into the matter before making any assessment. Very clever Tewolde, one of the most powerful EPRDF figures at the time even winked at me saying that Hadis’ problem was Hadis’ impatience. I appreciated his joke really. He then suddenly became deadly serious, like most of Abyssinian bureaucrats, and said grimly that I did not trust the leadership. He was correct though I did not admit at the time. Later the regime rubberstamped a constitution legitimizing Mengistus’ policies in order to showcase its concern for peasants.
Today Wayyane’s hidden agenda concerning the issues of land is clear for everybody concerned. I do not know how much the acquiescent masses of Oromo people perceive the implication. There is no definite reaction as yet. Do not they see what is happening? It is said long ago: what the eye does not see the heart does not grieve. Is it that what cannot be cured must be injured as the English saying goes? Or may be this: where ignorance is bliss it is folly to be wise. No matter what the reason, the Oromo people are easily manoeuvred as usual. The government is implementing a new policy of land dispossession on a large scale unknown before. They are selling fertile Oromo lands to companies, including foreign companies, fraudulently under the pretext of giving them on lease. The duration of the lease is being absolutely singular and fantastic. At some point I will try to document this process in some detail. Let us be clear that international circles are involved in the plan. The Wayyane have made a practical assessment of capitalist greed. They are letting in western private investments, knowing well that would oblige western governments to protect the dictatorship in the final analysis. They are absolutely correct .Capitalism has more respect for coins than for democratic principles or human rights issues. That goes under what is known as pragmatism. How many democratic governments were brought down by the CIA in Asia and Latin America?
In the meantime the TPLF has pocketed huge amount of money from the bargain channelling it duly to its private corporations, while at the same time rearming itself to become more of a regional military superpower. With tacit international backing it may be tempted to invade Eritrea anytime from now. Most Eritrean opposition groups in Addis Ababa are singing war songs even though they know perfectly well that TPLF will never tolerate a democratic government in Eritrea or Somalia. The cyber-wizards of Awate.com have no qualms portraying the Eritrean dictator as devil incarnate as if Meles Zennawi is by comparison a paragon of virtue The proof of the pudding is in the eating..The military embargo on Eritrea has created an opportune moment for a new scenario in the region. Yet those who expect an easy victory in case of military confrontation are not learning the lessons of history in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Are the internet magicians of the Eritrean opposition ready to abandon their cosy little rooms to fight protracted guerrilla warfare?
I did begin this article on my ways with Wayyane. Heraklit, I think, did say one does not cross the same river twice. Well, Wayyane today is not the same Wayyane of 1992. TPLF has become an organization full of fascists who believe only in firepower. This is not clear to the world because the regime is protected by powerful international circles, who firmly believe truth will never prevail.
